In all four case studies in this report, we identified high levels of conflict-related sexual violence and other forms of gender-based violence. States were more or less unprepared, unable and, in some cases, unwilling to provide victims/survivors with sufficient support. In three of the case-studies, there were no appropriate legal frameworks to address different forms of conflict-related sexual violence and other forms of gender-based violence at the outbreak of war. None of the relevant peace agreements included provisions for the state to address this violence.

This has made it almost impossible for victims/survivors to get protection, support and legal aid. In some cases, it has resulted in near total impunity for perpetrators. One case study that stands out is Ukraine, that has been both swift in its acknowledgement of the prevalence of conflict-related sexual violence and seemingly firm in its commitment to hold perpetrators to account.

Due to the lack of response by their governments and the absence of legal frameworks, local women’s rights organisations came to play an essential role. They not only offer victims/survivors protection, medical and psychosocial support and legal aid, but have also been instrumental in driving change.

Focusing only on sexual violence in conflict risks neglecting other forms of gender-based violence. Domestic violence is one type of gender-based violence that increases in societies affected by war. This is due to stress, trauma, insecurity, the disruption of social and protective networks, increased economic hardship, and displacement, as well as then normalisation of violence which happens during conflict. As most conflict-affected countries lack comprehensive legal frameworks to address domestic violence, there is often little will and capacity to deal with domestic violence.

Sextortion is another type of gender-based violence that often increases during and after conflict. Sextortion is both a type of gender-based violence and a type of corruption, used against (mainly) women and girls by actors in positions of power. With sextortion, sexual favours are obtained through the coercive power of authority, rather than through physical violence or force. There have been many cases of sextortion being perpetrated by peacekeepers, by aid workers distributing food, medicine and other necessities, by armed groups operating checkpoints, and by employees of government authorities and institutions.

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In all four case studies, stigma has hindered victims/survivors from speaking up, seeking help and claiming justice. In some contexts, admitting to having been raped can even put one’s life at risk. This leaves many victims/survivors without any help and justice. Children born of wartime rape are commonly excluded, stigmatised, discriminated and left without support and legal recognition in most conflict-affected countries.

In Iraq, children whose mothers were raped by a member of ISIS risk not having their birth registered or issued with a civil document to establish their nationality, which deprives them of their basic rights and impedes their access to social services such as education and healthcare.

In the Democratic Republic of the Congo, children born of wartime rape are often abandoned and end up on the streets. They are then vulnerable to exploitation, including recruitment by armed groups.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, 2022 marked the first time that children born of wartime rape were legally recognised as civilian victims of war in one part of the country, when a new law was adopted in the Brčko District. It took three decades for these children to receive recognition.

In several conflict-affected countries, women and girls are pressured into bearing more children during and after a war, to make up for demographic losses (either in the entire population or among a specific ethnic group).

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, many women were under pressured to have more children to ‘rebuild the nation’, as many men had died during the conflict. In some parts of Ukraine, the pressure on women to give birth to more children has also increased since the beginning of the full-scale invasion.

The idea that it is a woman’s duty to give birth to the next generation of the group, or to soldiers who can defend the land, is deeply rooted in some areas that have experienced protracted conflicts for generations. This desire for a high birth rate can pose a risk to women and girls’ sexual and reproductive health and rights, including their right to abortion. It can also negatively affect women’s active participation in their communities and societies.

In countries where women have limited rights, working against conflict-related sexual violence and other forms of gender-based violence is often dangerous. The work can constitute a direct threat to certain powerful men, who risk being prosecuted and sentenced to prison. In other cases it is a threat to traditional values and men’s right to exert power over their wives and families. As a result, women human rights defenders are often subjected to violence and/or threats of violence by both state and non-state actors.

This violence, which is sometimes deadly, is an effective way of silencing women human rights defenders and a serious threat to democracy and the fight for women’s rights. In the Eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, women journalists who report on conflict-related sexual violence received death threats from armed groups, while the government threatened to have their media outlets shut down.

In Bosnia and Herzegovina, women’s rights organisations who exposed how local organised crime syndicates were engaging in and profiting from human trafficking where subjected to threats of violence, including break-ins at their offices, shelters, and homes. In Iraq, women human rights defenders have had to go underground to run safe-houses as life-saving mechanism after facing extreme security challenges.

Gender-based violence does not exist in isolation from violent conflict and peacebuilding process, both because gender-based violence is a driver of conflict and instability, and because gender equality is interconnected with higher levels of peace. That is why sexual violence is now considered a war crime, not ‘collateral damage of war’. It is also why the UN Security Council recognised conflict-related sexual violence as a matter of international peace and security 23 years ago.

These changes of international norms and international law have been achieved, partly due to the work of women’s rights organisations working on gender-based violence in conflict-affected countries, including some of the women interviewed in this study. In many contexts women’s rights organisations working against gender-based violence have also become important actors for peace, as they have built trust across borders or conflict divides and call for inclusive peace processes and peace agreements.

Still, few women’s rights organisations are ever invited to participate in formal peace processes, and peace agreements rarely reflect their priorities. This is a real missed opportunity for sustainable and lasting peace.